Rachel Reeves has handled the upcoming spending review comparable to a reluctant bather edging into cold water, attempting to mitigate the unpleasantness through step-by-step entry.
She started addressing the issue of inadequate funds at the close of summer. Initially, she refused to uphold former statements that increases in taxation in the prior year's budget would be the ultimate ones.
Then, earlier this month, she took a bolder step into the cold sea. Her address vowed to "implement needed measures" to support public services and keep debt expenses under control.
After 10 days, the Treasury had retracted the implication. The election promise still stood after all. Similar to any icy-water bather understands, this aborted plunge and shivering withdrawal is the least effective of all methods. No tactic draws out the discomfort like indecision.
It is challenging to be decisive when deciding between levels of self-inflicted damage.
Optimism has not been a successful strategy for the administration. At the core of Keir Starmer's political platform was the futile hope of in some way satisfying the public's desire for enhanced public services without undoing large sums of Conservative revenue decreases.
Never has both Starmer or Reeves successfully conveyed a impression of national purpose to justify all this hardship. In part that is a challenge of charisma. Both leaders are uncannily comparable in their communicative deficiency, awkward and reserved in a way that drives audiences back instead of drawing them closer.
Just as political pressure to invest in government services has pushed the finance ministry to acknowledge that revenue must increase, the financial necessity of increasing economic expansion makes it increasingly difficult to overlook the cost of disconnection from the EU market.
Officials spent a twelve months dabbling in the shallow end of closer ties with the European Union: plans to eliminate border inspections on agricultural goods; a youth mobility scheme. Ambition went a more substantial on power generation, military and protection collaboration, but no major deals has to date been signed.
Without definite guidance and impetus from Downing Street, talks are stuck. The European Commission says single-market privileges are unlocked with financial input to the continental treasury. UK ministers understand that's the agreement. That doesn't cause them keen for a open dispute and Nigel Farage howling disloyalty over the eventual amount ends up being settled.
Commercial conditions has caused some change in the government's rhetoric on the continental partnership. She has begun citing EU withdrawal alongside the health emergency as a factor of economic damage that the finance ministry is striving to fix. Other ministers have followed suit, although they carefully assign the fault to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the way we left", never just "withdrawal".
The challenge of the UK's future relationship with the European Union can't be simplified to procedural changes and border mechanisms when the entire international system is in tumultuous flux. Given everything that has occurred since the Brexit vote, it feels reasonable still to be posing the big question: were the UK's priorities advanced by exiting the European Union?
These constitute sobering, challenging facts about the UK's predicament in uncertain world affairs. It is not surprising that the prime minister and the chancellor flinch from the responsibility. It would take them way out of their depth, into forces that they dare not resist. So as an alternative they persist nervously pacing the water's edge, praying that possibly in the near future the situation will shift.
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